4.21.99 at Eyedrum

Stan Woodard home


INTRODUCTION

There are two professors of sociology at UNLV who have been petitioning for grants to fund research in the area of the sex industry who were criticized because they testified against a bill that would have outlawed outcall escort services--which is where exotic dancers
strip for patrons in private hotel rooms, and according to police to be a front for prostitution. The professors argued that banning these services would limit career options for women and force the business underground.

 

 

 

Prostitution in the Middle Ages
From: Gies, Frances and Joseph. _Women in the Middle Ages_. New York: Harper & Row, 1978, 56-58.

 

 

Hazards of Prostitution
From: an article in the _Ft. Worth Star Telegram_ Sunday, April 27, 1997 Section D, by Gabrielle Crist.

Crist says: "Women working the streets today are more likely to turn their earnings over to a drug habit than a stereotypical man in a feathered hat. Heroin and crack cocaine have become the most powerful pimps of the '90s, and the hold seems unbreakable."

In this same article, Evelina Giobbe, a former call girl who now heads a national organization in Minnesota that works to get prostitutes off the street, voices concern about the 23-year-old prostitute featured in this article (a woman who works the streets and receives ten to twenty dollars for her services). Giobbe says, "She's going to die from HIV, she's going to die from a beating, she's going to die from an overdose. She's going to die and probably soon."

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The Rights of Whores
From: Pheterson, Gail, Ed. _A Vindication of the Rights of Whores_. Seattle: The Seal Press, 1989. Statement on Prostitution and Feminism International Committee for Prostitutes' Rights European Parliament, Brussels October 1-3, 1986.

The International Committee for Prostitutes' Rights (ICPR) realizes that up until now the women's movement in most countries has not, or has only marginally, included prostitutes as spokeswomen and theorists. Historically, women's movements (like socialist and communist movements) have opposed the institution of prostitution while claiming to support prostitute women. However, prostitutes reject support that requires them to leave prostitution; they object to being treated as symbols of oppression and demand recognition as workers. Due to feminist hesitation or refusal to accept prostitution as legitimate work and to accept prostitutes as working women, the majority of prostitutes have not identified as feminists; nonetheless, many prostitutes identify with feminist values such as independence, financial autonomy, sexual self-determination, personal strength and female bonding.

During the last decade, some feminists have begun to reevaluate the traditional anti-prostitution stance of their movement in light of the actual experiences, opinions and needs of prostitute women. The ICPR can be considered a feminist organization in that it is committed to giving voice and respect to all women, including the most invisible, isolated, degraded and/or idealized. The developments which link the condition of prostitutes to the condition of women in general and which do justice to the integrity of prostitute women is therefore an important goal of the committee.

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"As from time immemorial, prostitution flourished. By the high Middle Ages it was widely regulated by law, especially in the cities and at markets and fairs, which offered serving girls, trades-women, and peasants' daughters an opportunity to earn extra cash. In many
places distinctive dress--hoods or armbands--was prescribed, or prostitutes were forbidden to wear jewelry or certain finery.

  Some towns, like Bristol, banned prostitutes along with lepers from inside the city walls; more, like London, confined them to certain streets. In Paris, where they are said to have formed their own guild, with Mary Magdalene as patron saint, they were especially numerous in the Latin Quarter, where their brothels commingled with the scattered classrooms and residences of the University, and scholarly disputations on the upper floor competed with the arguments among harlots, pimps, and customers below. Famous Paris preacher Jacques de Vitry complained that the girls solicited clergymen on the street and derisively cried, "Sodomite!" after those who hastened past.

Like all established authority, the Church disapproved of prostitution in principle and tolerated it in practice, even protecting the prostitute's right to collect her fee. The prostitute was seen as behaving in accordance with weak female character; consequently heavier penalties were imposed on customers, pimps, and brothel-keepers. Prostitutes were essentially regarded as beneath the law's contempt, a condition inherited from Roman times. They could not inherit property, make legal accusations, or answer charges in person, but they were left unmolested in practicing their professions.

The Middle Ages brought one rather spectacular advance, when eleventh-century Byzantine emperor Michael IV built in Constantinople "an edifice of enormous size and very great beauty" (according to chronicler Michael Psellus). The emperor issued a proclamation that prostitutes might there adopt nuns' habits "and all fear of poverty would be banished from their lives forever....Thereupon a great swarm of prostitutes descended upon this refuge...and changed both their garments and their manner of life." Michael's example was imitated in the West, from the twelfth century on. In 1227 Pope Gregory IX gave his blessing to the Order of Saint Mary Magdalene, which established convents in several cities. The nuns wore white and were known as the "White ladies." Louis IX, after a vain effort to abolish prostitution, endowed similar establishments.

An alternative for prostitutes who wished to reform was marriage. The early Church discouraged such marriages, but the twelfth-century canonist Gratian decreed that while a man might not marry a whore who continued her trade, he could marry her to reform her.

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Condom Study Among Las Vegas Commercial Sex Workers

INTRODUCTION

Nevada is the only US state in which commercial sex is legal. Since 1971, counties of fewer than 400,000 people have been able to elect to legalize brothels. At present, there are 32 legal brothels employing about 300 licensed prostitutes.

Licensed brothel sex workers undergo weekly state-mandated medical examinations for gonorrhea, herpes, and venereal warts and monthly blood tests for syphilis. In March 1986, the Nevada Board of Health began requiring a negative initial human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) antibody test and negative monthly tests thereafter as a condition of employment. If a brothel worker or applicant is found to be seropositive, her employment is immediately terminated or denied 1-3 . Between July 1, 1988, and December 31, 1993, more than 20,000 HIV tests were conducted. None of the women employed at any of the Nevada brothels tested positive 1, 4 . In the same period, however, 19 brothel applicants tested HIV seropositive 4 . These data are in sharp contrast to HIV seroprevalence rates among other female prostitutes in the United States 5-7 .

Data indicate a negligible incidence of other sexually transmitted diseases among these women. A 1988 study found 5000 cases of gonorrhea in Nevada, only 9 of which were detected in legal brothels 8 . More than 7000 sexually transmitted disease tests conducted between 1982 and 1989 on 246 prostitutes in one brothel revealed only 2 cases of syphilis and 19 cases of gonorrhea, all reportedly contracted before implementation of Nevada's mandatory condom law 9, 10 .

Although the actual exposure level of brothel workers to clients with HIV and other sexually transmitted disease infections is not known 11 , the absence of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases may be explained by the fact that clients are required to use condoms during every sexual act. In January 1987, the brothel industry voluntarily adopted a compulsory condom policy in response to a 30% to 40% decline in business following reports that HIV could be spread through heterosexual contact 2, 10 . This policy was ratified by the state as a mandatory condom law in March 1988.

While latex condoms can substantially reduce the risk of transmission of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases when used consistently and correctly 11-14 , condoms may still break or slip off and thereby expose users to potential infection and risk of pregnancy 15, 16 . Summaries of prospective and retrospective studies of condom breakage and slippage in developed countries are provided in Tables 1 and 2, respectively 16-39 . Typical condom breakage rates range from 0.5% to 6.7%. Complete slippage, when the condom falls off the penis during intercourse or withdrawal, has only recently begun to be quantified. Falling-off rates range from 0.6% to 5.4%. More recent attention has focused on condoms that slip down the penis but not completely off (i.e. partial slippage).

Subject Characteristics

The average age of enrolled commercial sex workers was 29 years (( = 6.4, range = 18 to 44). Thirty women (68%) were White non-Hispanic, 5 (11%) were Black non-Hispanic, 1 (2%) was Hispanic, 1 (2%) was Asian American, and 7 (16%) were of mixed race. Eight women (18%) were married, 19 (43%) had never been married, and 17 (39%) were separated or divorced. Participants reported an average of 13.1 years of education (( = 2.0). Most women (86%) had either graduated from high school or earned their general equivalency diploma. Two women reported having had a sexually transmitted disease in the previous year. Sexually transmitted disease histories for the previous 12 months were verified for each woman through the brothels' health care provider.

Women reported experiencing their first act of vaginal intercourse (whether consensual or not) at an average age of 15.0 years (( = 3.0, range = 5 to 22). Fourteen of the participants (32%) had their first sexual encounter at 13 years of age or younger. Most women described their first sexual partner as being a boyfriend or lover (68%), while others described this person as being an older acquaintance (11%), relative (7%), friend (7%), or casual pickup (5%). The first vaginal intercourse for 10 of the women (23%) was nonconsensual.

Table 3 summarizes women's work experience as prostitutes in the general sex industry and in legal Nevada brothels. Twenty-seven women (61%) began working in a legal brothel the same year they began working as a prostitute. Ten women (23%) reported selling sex in Nevada prior to implementation of the 1988 mandatory condom law.

RESULTS

Retrospective Breakage and Slippage during Commercial Sex

During the day, week, and month preceding the study, workers reported averages of 5 (range = 2 to 17, median = 5), 34 (range = 10 to 119, median = 29), and 105 (range = 28 to 476, median = 84) acts of vaginal intercourse, respectively. Their average number of acts of intercourse per month was 27% higher than the typical sexually active American woman's 83 acts of vaginal sex per year 41 . All women reported using a condom for every act of vaginal intercourse with a brothel client in the previous year.

 Prostitution Work Experience

Sample

Mean age began working y (range)

As a sex worker 21.8 (16-32)

As a licensed brothel worker 25.0 (17-44)

Length of employment as a sex worker no. subjects (%)

<1 y 5 (11)

1-2 y 10 (23)

3-10 y 15 (34)

> 10 y 14 (32)

Length of employment as a licensed brothel worker no. subjects (%)

<1 y 12(27)

1-2 y 11(25)

3-10 y 15(34)

> 10 y 6 (14)

Mean no. of days worked over the preceding month range

Past week 6.4 (4-7)

Past month 19.3 (10-28)

Mean no. of clients over the preceding month range

Previous day 6 (3-12)

Past week 36 (15-84)

Past month 111 (40-336)

  Note. Because some clients may elect not to have vaginal sex during a specific encounter, while others may have multiple acts of vaginal sex, workers' average number of acts of vaginal intercourse may not always be identical to the average number of clients during analogous time periods. For our sample, the number of clients in the last day differed from the number of acts of intercourse in the last day for 24 of the 44 women.

At least one condom break during intercourse was reported by 2 women (5%) for the week prior to the study, by 7 women (16%) for the previous month, and by 19 women (43%) for the previous year. The average breakage rates per condom use were 0.14% (2 of 1473) in the previous week, 0.19% (9 of 4625) in the previous month, and 0.12% (49 of 41 127) in the previous year. Six women (14%) during the week prior to the study, 17 women (39%) during the previous month, and 29 women (66%) during the previous year reported that they had experienced at least one instance when a condom completely fell off their client's penis during intercourse or withdrawal. The average falling-off rates per condom use were 0.81% (12 of 1473) in the previous week, 0.91% (42 of 4625) in the previous month, and 0.25% (103 of 41 127) in the previous year. These rates of breakage and falling off are much lower than those reported in other retrospective studies of condom use (Table 2).

Condom breakage and slippage were not equally distributed within the study sample. Of the 49 total breaks in the year prior to the study, 20 (41%) were reported by 1 woman. Fourteen of the 42 instances of slippage in the previous month (33%) were reported by another woman. Likewise, 48 of the 103 instances of slippage in the previous year (47%) were reported by only 3 women. Of the 44 women, 37 (84%) reported no breakage or slippage in the previous week, 25 (57%) reported no breakage or slippage in the previous month, and 12 (27%) reported no breakage or slippage in the previous year. Conversely 1 woman (2%) reported at least one incident of both breakage and slippage in the previous week; 5 women (11%), in the previous month; and 16 women (36%), in the previous year.

Prospective Breakage and Slippage during Commercial Sex

Forty-one of the 44 enrolled women (93%) participated in the prospective trial. Condoms were used in a total of 353 acts of vaginal intercourse with clients. Over the 3-day study period, 31 women (76%) completed all 10 condom evaluation forms. Among the 10 women who evaluated fewer than 10 condom uses, 9 did not have enough clients during the 3-day study period and 1 quit after assessing 1 condom use. All 41 women verified using a condom for every act of vaginal intercourse during the study period.

Since women used their own condoms in the study, various brands and types were used. The brands used were Trojan (174 condoms uses [49%]), Kimono (105 condom uses [30%]), Prime (48 condom uses [14%]), and other (26 condom uses [7%]). Prelubricated condoms were used in 228 of the 353 acts of protected intercourse (65%); in 59 of these 228 acts (26%), the prelubricant contained spermicide. Additional water-based lubricant was used with condoms a total of 314 times (89%) and was most frequently applied to the outside of the condom or the surfaces of the vagina. The women used no oil based lubricants. They purchased condoms directly from the brothel in only a minority of instances (25%).

Altogether, condoms were used for 372 episodes between a prostitute and a client: 353 including and 19 excluding vaginal intercourse. In 264 of the 372 episodes (71%), the sex worker rubbed the client's penis with her hand while he wore the condom, and, in 306 episodes (82%), the woman performed fellatio while the client was wearing the condom. No worker reported anal intercourse.

Subjects reported that no condoms broke at any time (95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.0%, 0.8%). Lack of breakage was verified through visual inspection of each condom by the female investigator at the completion of the study.

No condoms fell off the penis during intercourse (95% CI = 0.0%, 0.8%); in two instances (0.6%), condoms fell off the penis during withdrawal (95% CI = 0.1, 2.0%). Eight women reported a total of 12 instances (3.4%) of the condom slipping down the shaft of the penis during intercourse without falling off (95% CI = 1.8%, 5.9%). Two women experienced 2 slippages each, and one women experienced 3 slippages. In 15 of the 351 protected acts of intercourse (4.3%) during which condoms neither broke nor fell off during or after sex, condoms slipped down the shaft of the penis during withdrawal without falling off (95% CI = 2.4%, 7.0%). These 15 slippages during withdrawal were reported by eight women; three women each had 1 slippage, three women each had 2 slippages, and two women each had 3 slippages. In 5 acts of intercourse, condoms reportedly slipped down the shaft both during intercourse and during withdrawal in the same coital act. Among the total 17 acts of intercourse in which the condom fell off or slipped down during withdrawal, the penis was no longer erect in 11 instances (65%).

There was no significant difference in slippage rates (without the condom falling off) when condoms were prelubricated (3.5% during intercourse and 3.1% during withdrawal) and when condoms were not prelubricated (3.2% during intercourse and 6.4% during withdrawal). Higher slippage rates occurred among women whose clients had at least one condom fall off in the previous week (4.3% during intercourse and 10.6% during intercourse and 3.3% during withdrawal) than among women whose clients did not (3.3% during withdrawal). Likewise, slippage rates were higher among women who had worked in a brothel less than 2 years (5.3% during intercourse and 10.6% during withdrawal) than among women who had worked in a brothel for at least 2 years (2.7% during intercourse and 1.9% during withdrawal). In both of these comparisons, only the increased rate of slippage during withdrawal - normally considered user error - was statistically significant.

The client reportedly ejaculated during 310 (88%) of the 353 acts of protected vaginal intercourse. Among coital acts in which the client ejaculated, no ejaculate spilled or leaked near the vaginal opening in 300 cases (97%). During 6 acts of intercourse (1.9%), spillage was confirmed by the sex worker. In the remaining 4 acts, the woman was unsure.

Breakage and Slippage Prevention Strategies

Women were asked to describe reasons for condom breakage and strategies used to prevent breakage. Insufficient vaginal lubrication (50%), improper condom use (e.g., use of oil lubricants, use of old condoms, not leaving space at the condom tip) (34%), vigorous intercourse (25%), manufacturing defects (25%), and use of condoms of improper size (7%) were most commonly mentioned as reasons for breakage. Among the most-cited techniques to prevent breakage were use of additional water-soluble lubricant (64%); monitoring the condition of the condom regularly throughout intercourse (20%); refraining from rough, vigorous sex (18%); using appropriately sized condoms (5%); and changing condoms during prolonged intercourse (5%). Many of these tips have previously been suggested to prevent condom breakage 12, 29, 42-45 .

Use of multiple condoms simultaneously was also a frequently reported method (9%) to prevent breakage. Twenty-nine women (66%) reported that at least one client had worn two condoms concurrently during intercourse in the previous year, for a total of more than 5000 concurrent uses. Eight women reported doubling up condoms during every act of commercial intercourse in the previous year. Visual inspection of the used condoms from the prospective trial revealed that condoms were doubled up in 10.8% of the 372 sexual episodes. Condoms were doubled up primarily to prevent breakage when women had experienced a prior condom break, when the client's penis was very large, when the client presented with unidentifiable penile sores or track marks, when a thin condom was being used, and when the client requested it. To avoid friction, women reported applying additional lubricant between the condoms.

Women's explanations for slippage included too much additional lubricant on the outside or inside of the condom, a small-sized penis, loss of penile erection, and tightening of vaginal muscles during withdrawal. To prevent slippage, at least 43% of women reported holding onto the rim of the condom throughout sex as well as during withdrawal. Some women reported replacing the condom at the first sign of slippage.

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Anthropology of Prostitution

From: Fisher, Helen, Ph.D. _Anatomy of Love:
A Natural History of Mating, Marriage, and Why We Stray_.
 New York: Fawcett Columbine,
  1992, p. 93-94.

  In agrarian societies with a strict double
  standard, women long embarked on
one of two quite different sexual careers, becoming either cloistered housewives or courtesans, concubines, or prostitutes. In these cultures, therefore, some women had only a single partner, while others copulated with a lot of men. These "ladies of the night" were not unique to farming peoples either.

  Among the Mehinaku of Amazonia, the most sexually active person in the jungle village was a woman--who received fish, meat, or trinkets in payment for her trysts with a variety of partners.
  Some traditional Navajo women chose not to marry; instead, they lived alone and entertained a variety of male visitors for a fee. Women in many other American Indian tribes traditionally accompanied men on their hunting expeditions, returning home with meat in exchange for satisfying *several* of these hunters' sexual needs.

  An unmarried Canela girl of central Brazil who wished to earn food or services selected a would-be lover and asked her brother to arrange a date. Many of thesetrysts became long-term
  business relationships. Madams flourished among the traditional Sierra Tarascans of Mexico. These older women had a string of girls they could summon at a moment's notice. Nupe
  women of sub-Saharan Africa came to the marketplace at night dressed in their finery and jewels; here they sold kola nuts; but buyers could also purchase the woman for the night.

  You might wish to argue that these women (and women in many other cultures) all engaged in prostitution for purely economic reasons. But many women say they like the sexual variety.

  And the women who pursue this vocation are not alone. The animal kingdom is rife with loose females. ...female chimpanzees, other mammals,
  and many female birds, bugs, and reptiles solicit males and copulate in return for food.

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Female Sexual Slavery

From: Barry, Kathleen. _Female Sexual Slavery_.
New York and London: New York University Press, 1979, p 86.

(From "Pimping: The Oldest Profession") The arbitrary and false distinctions made in the nineteenth-century purity crusades between the international traffic in women and local prostitutes still dominate thought today. Those distinctions, with the accompanying assumption that women are driven to prostitution (by economics, sado-masochism, or mental deficiency), screen the procurers, hiding their strategies and making pimping appear to be other than what it is.

 Together, pimping and procuring are perhaps the most ruthless displays of male power and sexual dominance. As practices they go far beyond the merchandising of women's bodies for the market that demands them. Pimping and procuring are the crystallization of misogyny; they rank about the most complete expressions of male hatred for femaleness. Procuring is a strategy, a tactic for acquiring women and turning them into prostitution: pimping keeps them there. Procuring today involves "convincing" a woman to be a prostitute through cunning, fraud, and/or physical force, taking her against her will or knowledge and putting her into prostitution.

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Health & Gender

From: Peterson, V. Spike and Runyan, Anne Sisson. _Global Gender Issues_. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993, pp 110-111.

AIDS is now "the leading cause of death for women ages 20 to 40 in major cities in the Americas, Western Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa. The gendered divisions of violence, labor, and resources have conspired to make this so, putting young urban women at tremendous risk through prostitution, rape, poverty, poor health care, and lack of contraceptive services and "safe sex" educatiion. These factors have minimized women's power to control their own bodies, making them highly susceptible to contaminants and disease, which they end up passing on to their children, who, in turn, become damaged global "resources."

Under the gendered division of resources, women not only have little access to resources that might make their lives longer and easier but also are treated as resources themselves, to be used and abused when it suits the purposes of powerful men, states, and industries. What women need and want is rarely considered in the calculus of how resources are defined, divided, and used. As a result, not only women but also the planet and its other inhabitants suffer from this far-from-benign neglect.

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Prostitution and Capitalism

From: Matthaei, Julie A. _An Economic History of Women in America: Women's Work the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism_. New York: Schocken Books, 1982, pp. 199, 202.

 From her chapter called The Development of Sex-Typed Jobs

"We cannot leave the area of women's homemaking for income without mentioning the "time-honored" form of homemaking for non-family members, prostitution. Given its illegal character, we do not know much about prostitution, and it's generally ignored. Yet it is often referred to jokingly as "the oldest profession," and it has been a common, if not a major source of employment for women, especially unmarried, young women.

Prostitution varied from being put up by one's lover as an almost wife to working in a whorehouse; furthermore, prostitutes of different "classes" existed to serve the differentiated needs and budgets of men. Prostitution was the creation of the particular sexual needs of men; in the nineteenth century, the insistence of many wives on abstinence, along with the conception of man's sexuality as limitless, uncontrollable, and impersonal, sustained a lively prostitution trade. As the service of the sexual needs of heterosexual men, prostitution was very much "women's work," although it lacked social acceptance. Early stories of the horrors of city prostitution stressed the manner in which girls were enticed into it by promises of marriage; prostitution was also made attractive by the relatively high wages and glamour it offered young women, attributes absent from women's other jobs. In the West, some women were able to move from prostitution to ownership and management of a brothel, earning wealth and occasionally even respectability."

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Martin Luther on Prostitutes

From: Weisner, Merry E. _Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993, p 48.

Weisner discusses Martin Luther on Prostitutes (and Women):

Luther termed prostitutes "stinking, syphilitic, scabby, seedy, and nasty" tools of the devil, sent to bewitch his students and other unmarried men, and in his mind prostitutes were not the only women with such power. He commented:

For girls, too, are unaware of this evil [lust] and if they spend time in the company of young men, they turn the hearts of these young men in various directions to entice them to love, especially if the youths are outstanding because of their good looks and strength of body. Therefore it is often most difficult for the latter to withstand such enticements than to resist their own lusts.

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Prostitution and National Economies

From: Bullough, Vern and Bonnie Bullough. _Women and Prostitution: A Social History_. Buffalo, New York: Prometheus Books, 1987 pp 314-315.

The exploitation of women for prostitution is still a significant factor, and unfortunately even today there is the apparent willingness and ability of some of the more developed countries to exploit the underdeveloped ones. Cuba, until the Castro revolution, for example, was one of the chief centers of brothel prostitution, catering mainly to the American tourist. Tijuana in Baja California serves a similar function for much of Southern California in spite of periodic efforts of the Mexican authorities to prevent this from happening. And the movement to eliminate white slavery has tended to cut down the trade in women for which Buenos Aires was once notorious, but there are still women who are more or less forced into prostitution in much of Latin America as well as in many other parts of the world.

 In the Near East and Far East, where cultures with different ideals and sexual attitudes exist, prostitution has been going through some of the same changes that it has in the West. Japan, the home of the geisha, has gone through a period of rapid social change since World War II and though husbands and wives now do more entertaining and socializing together, some of the old ways remain. A Japanese businessman is still likely to conduct business in a special house where the geisha, trained in the arts of pleasing men, entertains him and his guests, but this old system has come under increasing attack by younger wives.

Prostitution still exists in China, and..."roadside chickens" solicit customers in Canton and other cities.... In Taiwan the old notion that a daughter could be bought or sold like a commodity is on the decline, although it persists among the uneducated people, and the longtime use of Taiwan, Thailand, and other areas by American troops for recreation and rehabilitation served to provide a ready market for many of the prostitutes....

Since social security benefits are still inadequate in India, a woman who loses her family through death or disaster often can turn only to prostitution. In fact, in large parts of the world poverty still remains a major factor in prostitution.

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US Armed Forces and Japanese "Comfort Girls"

From: Matsui Yoyori. "Sexual Slavery in Korea,"
_Frontiers: A Journal of Women's Studies, II,
 no. 1 (Spring 1977), pp. 27-28.

After its defeat in World War II, the Japanese
government presented Japanese women as
"comfort girls" to the United States Occupation
Forces. It is reported that at the cabinet
meeting held on August 21, 1945, only six days
after the V-J surrender, Konoe Fumimaro, then
State Minister without Portfolio, made the
following proposal: "We must take emergency
measures to protect our women and children
from sex-starved American soldiers." Three
days later, the Metropolitan Police
Headquarters began to gather members of the
red-light trade and request, "As a stopgap
measure to protect the flower-like purity of
40,000,000 respectable Japanese women, we
would like you to open facilities to 'comfort' the
American troops." The government proposed to
contribute indirectly 50 million yen...to help
meet their expenses....

A ceremony to proclaim the establishment of the
"Association for the Creation of Special
Recreational Facilities (later the "Recreation
and Amusement Association," nicknamed
R.A.A.) was held in the square in front of the
Imperial Palace on August 28 to coincide with
the landing of the first contingent of American
occupation troops. Soon the first
R.A.A.-sponsored army brothel, Komachi
Garden, was opened in the Omori district of
Tokyo. On August 30, about 100 women, some
of them former prostitutes and others deceived
by advertisements reading "Recruiting the new
Japanese woman: lodging, clothing and food
provided," had to surrender their bodies to
American soldiers. R.A.A. army brothels
literally sprouted up before the smoke could
clear from the bombed-out rubble of Tokyo, and
within three months there were twenty-five such
brothels....At it's height, R.A.A. is said to have
employed 70,000 "comfort girls."

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Prostitute's Revenues

From: Anderson, Bonnie S, and Judith P. Zinsser. _A History Of Their Own: Women in Europe From Prehistory to the Present. Vol. I. New York: Harper & Row, 1988, pp 363-366.

Men of all ranks hired the women. Men of all ranks earned money from the prostitutes' work. As in the centuries before 800, some women came to prostitution through the actions of another. In fourteenth-century Florence, Niccolo di Giunta seduced women, then pimped them for other men and took their earnings. He alsosold them to a brothel in Bologna. A Florentine court in 1417 recorded that some husbands did the same with their wives. In sixteenth-century Venice, the courts prosecuted older women who turned young girls to the trade with promises of clothes and finery. Still the practice continued. A French visitor to a May fair in seventeenth-century Venice saw young daughters displayed by their mothers, buyers inspecting the merchandise and paying 150 gold ecus and room and board for a year for a young virgin. A young girl, sold for 10 to 20 ducats in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Seville, was expected to make 4 to 5 ducats in a day's work and be active in the trade for as much as twenty years.

For many poor women prostitution was but one of several jobs they performed....

 ...Whatever the arrangement about her work, the prostitute always had to share her earnings with others....

...In Rome there was the supposed justice of the *trentuno* to punish prostitutes thought to have cheated or robbed a client: the threat of gang-rape by thirty-one men, or the *trentuno reale* (royal thirty-one), sixty-nine men. It was rumored that some of the brothels in London were owned by the Lord Mayor. In 1309 the bishop of Strasbourg build one for the revenue. In 1390 Duke Albrecht IV of Austria owned the main brothel in Vienna. Men of the craft guilds and professional associations, in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century southern French towns, sought the right to operate the local brothel, by then a lucrative monopoly. In the second half of the sixteenth century, Pope Pius V taxed the women's earnings even after he had officially banned them from the town, insisting that the tax would cut down the numbers of women in the trade. The tax went for streets and for bridges. In seventeenth-century Venice, prostitutes' taxes allegedly went to pay for the galleys.

As early as the twelfth-century King Henry II of England...licensed brothels, or "*stewes*" as they were called, and placed the bishop of Winchester in charge of seeing to it that certain regulations about the lives and work of the prostitutes were enforced. The English king set wages, rents, days when they could ply their trade, and required weekly health examinations.

...Lisbon built a town brothel both to protect other women from men's advances and to earntax revenue. The *freie Tochter* (free daughters) of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Nuremberg's brothel had preference before the independent contractors, but lived regulated lives with their clothing, their bathing, and even where they sat in church specified. They owed a cut of the profits to their patrons; one penny of each transaction went to the "abbot," the man who supervised the brothel. In Toulouse the right to run the "public house" was auctioned each year on the feast day of Saint Lucy. As in Nuremberg the women lived strictly supervised, almost like nuns. Though they protested in 1462 to the local royal court that they were "not free," the town continued to fine and whip any women who serviced men outside the authorized brothels.

The appearance of syphilis in epidemic proportions, coupled with the religious enthusiasms of the sixteenth c...Toulouse's regulations punished prostitutes with dunking in an iron cage. Some German ordinances specified flogging, mutilation, and exile.

 ...In Paris in 1654 the prison hospital of Salpetriere was built to house diseased prostitutes. The hospital regulations of 1684 specified daily prayers, coarse wool clothing, a bread and soup diet, and straw bedding.

...In 1227 Pope Gregory IX authorized the Order of St. Mary Magdalene; houses were founded in thirteenth-and fourteenth-century Paris, in Vienna, in Naples. Fifteenth-century Florence had its Convent of the Penitents. In 1520 Pope Leo X authorized the Augustinian rule of the Convertite in Rome, supported in part by an inheritance tax on courtesans.

...Saint Ignatius Loyola and his Jesuit order made the prostitutes their special concern. Withmoney from his noblewomen followers, he supported the House of St. Martha for prostitutes. entury, made it temporarily impossible for any women to work as prostitutes.

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